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Westminster’s Self-Fulfilling Prophecy: How Mis-Machiavellianism Breeds Mistrust

3 minutes ago
4 min read
Palace of Westminster

Politics is brutal, and UK politics has never been an exception. It’s no wonder that modern UK politics is often characterised as “Machiavellian” by the media and even by the politicians themselves, from Harold Macmillan’s “night of the long knives” against his cabinet in 1962 to the Blairite spin doctors in the 1990s to Andy Burnham’s manoeuvrings against the now-deposed Keir Starmer; it seems that politics is defined by the notion that the ends justify the means. Yet at the same time, there is a significant absence of trust between the public and politicians. What if these two facts are more closely related than they first appear?


The type of people who historically enter politics often hold elite politics degrees at universities such as Oxbridge or the London School of Economics - having read Machiavelli as students, they often have internalised a so-called realist notion of politics. They come to believe the ends justify the means, believing that to succeed in Parliament, you must be self-interested in climbing over your peers. Yet if an overwhelming number of fresh-faced MPs arrive at Westminster believing in that necessity, then Parliament itself becomes more self-interested as it is filled by these MPs, creating a self-fulfilling prophecy as the belief that UK politics is “Machiavellian” causes its actors to act accordingly, in turn creating a “Machiavellian culture” in the beating heart of British democracy.


Once such an insidious culture is implanted, it can become self-perpetuating: a “Machiavellian” culture rewards ruthlessness, and the self-fulfilling prophecy shifts from actors merely believing politics rewards self-interest to Westminster itself rewarding that behaviour with ministerial posts and party promotions. Not only does this affect the behaviour of every MP regardless of educational background, but most concerningly the prevalence of this cutthroat culture attracts those who are at ease with, or actively enjoy, being “Machiavellian”. This is plainly seen by the way the Whips’ office functions: figures such as Gavin Williamson are more than willing to intimidate MPs with pet tarantulas to not vote in the best interests of their constituents but instead to toe the party line no matter the cost. This ultimately poisons our Parliament as it perpetuates self-interest and shapes the type of person who wishes to be an MP.


This is in plain view for the public; in seeing their MPs who are often more committed to getting on the ministerial ladder than representing their constituents, trust declines. This declining trust colours the actions of MPs: from Blair’s dodgy dossiers, to the 2005 parliament having fiddled with their expenses, to the misleading campaigns of the Brexit referendum, all are seen as evidence of the politician’s “Machiavellianism” and untrustworthiness. This reduced trust in institutions, combined with other factors such as the cost of living crisis, has bred resentment and fertile ground for populist political parties promising easy solutions to complex problems. Poor economic policy has put the UK in its current position, but the public struggles to trust establishment “Machiavellian” politicians to sort it.  


Defenders of Niccolò Machiavelli would almost certainly point out how it is ludicrous to blame all of this on a long-dead Italian diplomat’s writings. They would be right, but for a different reason. The political class actually misunderstands Machiavelli: MPs internalise “the ends justify the means” through the culture of Westminster and proceed to give up having ends, a moral vision, instead taking a purely self-interested approach to politics. The “Machiavellianism” that so many MPs and pundits use to define UK politics is in fact a flawed understanding, a fatal mis-Machiavellianism. The true Machiavellian politician may compromise, but they still have a soul. Niccolò himself wrote all he did in the hope that readers, such as the Prince Lorenzo de’ Medici, would take his experience and use it to unify Niccolò’s beloved Italy, then divided into a patchwork of city-states. Not only does the true Machiavellian politician have principles, but they also realise that a politician must not be seen with contempt. Yet large proportions of MPs cannot seem to realise that voters admire principles, and they most certainly do not admire a politician selling their soul for power. Just ask the Liberal Democrats, who went from 57 seats to 8 during the 2015 election after their dear leader Nick Clegg gave up his position on tuition fees in the pursuit of maintaining a coalition with the Conservatives.


Fixing this ingrained mis-Machiavellianism and breaking Westminster’s self-fulfilling prophecy must be approached by fundamentally reforming the way the UK does politics. Political parties must reform the way they select parliamentary hopefuls to return the Palace of Westminster to its role as the people’s palace, filled with MPs who genuinely want to improve the UK rather than climb the career ladder. Parties must pick the optimistic local plumber over the inexperienced university graduate offering nothing but a half-baked understanding of political philosophy. Existing MPs must remember who they work for, refocusing on serving their constituents with moral purpose and vision, not serving themselves. Only once Westminster is changed on a foundational level can the UK move towards a kinder politics built on trust and delivering for the many, not the few who hold parliamentary seats.


Those who deeply care about democracy must be keenly aware that this nation does not have long to act. Democracy falters as broken promises pile up and the legitimate anger of a disillusioned electorate is twisted to suit the ends of authoritarian Reform UK politicians threatening foundational rights and freedoms. If trust in politics is not restored, if this mis-Machiavellianism is not banished, then those forces will find themselves creeping closer and closer to the corridors of power, and in an age full of Trumpian strongmen, there is no guarantee democracy as we know it survives. 


Image: Wikimedia Commons/Diliff

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