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Banning Terrorist Literature Is Only the First Step in Countering Radicalisation

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Recently, the government of Maharashtra, India, banned the literature of terrorist organisations that “glorify violent extremism and jihad and promote radicalisation.” The notification prohibits publications issued by terrorist organisations such as the Islamic State (IS/ISIS), Islamic State in Khorasan Province (ISKP), Hizb-ul-Mujahideen Pir Panjal Regiment, Al Qaeda (AQIS), and other organisations listed in the First Schedule to the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, 1967. It also orders the forfeiture of 114 items of radical literature, including magazines, books, and other publications, under Section 98(1) of the Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita, 2023, which empowers the State governments to forfeit certain publications punishable under the 2023 Act. 


This move follows a similar decision by the Assam government in December 2025 to prohibit literature associated with outlawed extremist organisations. These measures reflect a broader understanding that extremist propaganda is not merely an expression but a strategic tool for recruitment and ideological conditioning. 


Ideas Before Violence


Literature plays a pivotal role in shaping an individual’s curiosity. It familiarises readers with ideas that they may never have encountered otherwise. Terrorist organisations capitalise on the power of ideas as their most potent weapon. Their ideas do not just inform but are meant to persuade their audiences. Through the narrative of State injustices, religious obligations and collective identity, their literature seeks to create what is generally described as cognitive narrative resonance. The power of extremist literature lies in its framing. They organise and present their ideas/narratives in ways that resonate with specific audiences. This narrative resonance, thus, creates an essential bridge through which these ideological messages are transformed into beliefs, identities and ultimately desired behavioural outcomes.


One of the most influential examples remains Sayyid Qutb’s work Milestones (Ma'alim fi-l-Tariq). The work presents contemporary societies living in a state of Jahiliyya, which ignores the role of divine sovereignty, arguing that only God’s rule can restore justice. While scholars have interpreted the texts in different ways, terrorist organisations, however, have repeatedly and selectively appropriated their ideas to legitimise violent jihad against existing political orders.


Therefore, since time immemorial, literature has acted as an active recruitment and indoctrination tool. Nonetheless, in this digital and social media age, banning printed publications can only go so far. Today, extremist propaganda moves seamlessly through algorithms, encrypted platforms, social media, and online communities, making prohibition a necessary but insufficient response.


Curiosity Cannot Be Banned


The recent case of Babita Dhakad alias Khadija illustrates this curious case of digitally active users. Reportedly, Dhakad (Indian citizen) allegedly began online searches following the 2025 terrorist attack in Pahalgam, which led her to establish contact with Pakistani handlers and terrorist groups through WhatsApp and Facebook. Her initial interactions allegedly developed into emotional ties with a Jaish-e-Mohammed (JeM) operative, Abu Ubaidah. Following which she became “interested in the Jaish due to her admiration for the mujahideen.” Over time, this ideological and personal involvement was followed by a transformation of her religious beliefs that eventually became a part of her radicalisation process.


The case highlights an important reality. Radicalisation has become increasingly digital and multidimensional. Methods of recruitment are becoming more and more personalised through online platforms. Books and speeches are just complementary to those methods. Importantly, these pathways are not confined to any single economic or social profile. Public discourse frequently associates radicalisation with poverty, social exclusion, or illiteracy. Yet, global cases demonstrate otherwise. Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab, also known as the Underwear/Christmas bomber, convicted of attempting to detonate plastic explosives hidden in his underwear on a US-bound flight, came from an affluent Nigerian family. Educated in London, he came into contact with extremist networks during his time in London before he travelled to Yemen to become involved in “violent” jihad. His online activities suggested the role of the internet and the connection that non-Arab Muslims feel with the Ummah (Islamic community).


These cases demonstrate both the significance and the shortcomings of banning terrorist literature. The dynamics of radicalisation are constantly changing, and prohibition is simply not enough when the same stories are spread on social media platforms, encrypted sites, and online communities. In order to be effective, counter-radicalisation efforts should not only focus on banning publications but also on addressing the digital networks and resources that facilitate recruitment. 


What Bans Can and Cannot Do


The war against terrorism is ultimately a battle of ideas. We have seen in the past that bans alone rarely eradicate extremist ideas. Despite the widespread removal of online ISIS magazines, Dabiq and Rumiyah, these publications continue to circulate through encrypted messaging platforms and mirror websites years after the organisation’s territorial defeat. Additionally, terrorist organisations have increasingly adapted to evolving digital ecosystems, exploiting mainstream social media platforms, like  ISIS’ exploitation of X, to amplify their narratives and reach new audiences.


The question, therefore, is not whether extremist literature should be banned or not. Such a binary framing overlooks the more pertinent question: what happens after the ban? Confiscating books and banning propaganda materials can disrupt recruitment networks to some extent, but they cannot, solely, dismantle the narratives that sustain them. Prohibition in that case remains a defensive measure. Thus, these bans must be increasingly complemented with community engagement programmes, promotion of digital literacy, psychological support, and counter-narrative initiatives. This illustrates the government's intention of not only removing the extremist materials but also to reduce their persuasive appeal and strengthen society's resilience against ideological manipulation. 


Image: Wikimedia Commons/Michael Foran

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