There are Two Language Games in Northern Ireland; Why Not Play Both?

Like other parts of the UK, Northern Ireland has multiple dialects. Variation can be significant; someone in Derry/Londonderry may use words and an accent unfamiliar to someone from Belfast, less than a one-hour drive away. This diversity of English can serve as a positive talking point or a source of craic in everyday settings. 

Those dialects, slang, and accents have been richly influenced by historical transmission and exchange from other parts of the island, from Britain, and beyond. Unlike their counterparts, the use of other languages in private and public life in Northern Ireland, namely Irish Gaelic and Ulster-Scots, is more contested. 

Irish Gaelic is often “claimed” by Republican communities, while the Ulster-Scots language is “claimed” by Protestant or British communities . In the most heated moments, people from both communities may dismiss the  other group’s language as merely “funny-accented English” or “just a leprechaun language.”

These attitudes have been inculcated and reinforced over many generations as a part of antagonism between Ulster British and Irish groups. An alienating slogan used by Republicans: “Every word of Irish language spoken is a bullet fired for Irish freedom” has been revived in mainstream culture, echoed by trusted stewards of the state. Mockeries of the Irish by Ulster British leaders in public spaces reinforce alienation.

The lack of support for Ulster Scots in signage in public areas such as universities, transport hubs, or road signs sends a signal, whether intended or not, that excludes those who feel no connection to the Irish language, but feel more connected to Ulster-Scots or Protestant roots.  

Unfortunately, proponents of the Irish language do not see their own narratives and experiences reflected in Ulster-Scots, given their similar trajectory – both were marginalised and excluded as languages in public life under Anglo-Irish administration. Unlike Irish, which has gained mainstream success via repeated revivals, Ulster-Scots lacks the resources.

Irish language activists may not have seen their own reflection because of bias. When I met people from Irish Catholic backgrounds as a teenager, they would joke about “culchies” (people from the countryside), their silly accents, and made-up language, although that attitude was also expressed by some urban Protestants. 

If I  showed the phrases “Wij hebben tomaten, brood, suiker en koffie.” and“Hallo, waar is de supermarket?”, it would not mean Dutch is not a language, even though English speakers can understand it. If I  showed the Ulster-Scots phrase, “Ach, it’s a sair fecht,” English speakers likely wouldn’t know the meaning or an appropriate reply. Reducing bias requires cultural exposure and greater awareness. 

Another issue could be framing. In the Republican story, which has again been intertwined with Irish language activism, the nebulous superaltern is the “English” or the “British” who are to blame for the ills in Ireland. This nebulousness creeps in to cover Ulster British groups, who are then misidentified as the superaltern and made into an outgroup.

Instead of recognising some of the Ulster-Scots speakers as those in need of assistance or even potential allies in Northern Ireland, they are lumped into the category of “enemy” in the current Republican story, for merely sharing a passport with the old British establishment. 

Constitutional groups have made some effort to include both Irish Gaelic and Ulster-Scots in their branding. One example is Sinn Féin,  through its Commission on the Future of Ireland, or the Northern Ireland Public Services Alliance trade union’s strike-action sign (“stailc, strike, stryk!”). However, they do not go much further. 

Without adequate resources, both the Irish Gaelic and Ulster-Scots cultural traditions will suffer and risk falling back on the tired antagonism of Ulster British against Irish. Resources for learning the Ulster dialect of Irish Gaelic and Ulster-Scots are limited – especially when compared to Irish Gaelic dialects in the Republic or even other languages. 

As Northern Irish residents must know by now, peace only comes through mutual understanding and working together. Rather than seeing the other language as a source of enmity, language activists and politicians must recognise shared woes – historical marginalisation, underfunding from central authorities, and attempts to disturb the peace by inciting division or violence.

A good path forward is GCSEs in Irish and Ulster-Scots. Many from Protestant and Irish Catholic backgrounds often lament that they never had the chance to learn these languages when attending secondary school. They offer an alternative to Irish-medium or Ulster-Scots-medium schools, which are vital in their own right but can become a source of tension if nothing reciprocal is done for all groups. 

Most of all, they help instil a sense of identity at a chaotic time when older markers, such as the monarchy or religion, are losing centrality to their respective societies.

Image: Wikimedia Commons/SwirlyLand

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