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Europe’s phoenix: France’s unrest is rooted in the state’s tradition of revolt and renewal
France’s modern political history has famously been defined by a cycle of sharp socio-economic decline, acute civic upheaval, state reconstitution, and national regeneration. Charles de Gaulle, the General who spearheaded French liberation from Nazi occupation, defined his nation’s temperament as ‘endlessly vacillating from greatness to decline, but revived, century after century, by the genius of renewal.’
The protests that have rapidly spread across the Fifth Republic–de Gaulle’s creation–in October 2026 seemingly reaffirmed the Statesman’s analysis of France’s routinely volatile political disposition. The collective tendency to displace what is seen as an unjust existing order with the express aim of transforming policy agendas, or even the state itself, has evolved into something of a French sociopolitical tradition.
The political atmosphere in France, like much of Europe, has been largely defined by polarisation, instability, and distrust of state institutions. French polling shows a rather comprehensive collapse of the liberal centre as Marine Le Pen’s far-right Rassemblement National party leads the way. The veteran socialist leader of La France Insoumise, Jean-Luc Mélenchon, meanwhile, sits comfortably in second place.
This snapshot of France’s polarised mood is part of a wider European pattern in which managed economic decline and the inflationary cost-of-living implications from a combination of debt crises and geopolitical pressures has exacerbated mass disillusion with the political status quo. The diagnoses of France’s condition on either side of the polarised spectrum highlight vastly different interpretations, which is perhaps in itself a symptom of the age of algorithm-induced reality bubbles.
The emergent ethno-nationalist right, which is often enmeshed with fascistic elements, laments a corrosive demographic transformation brought by mass migration. The populist left, conversely, leans into the Marxist framing of class conflict. It attributes the decline in living standards to a fiscal orthodoxy that prioritises austerity over public welfare.
Grievances aligned with the left of the spectrum lit the spark from which October’s unrest roared. On September 17, teachers at the Antoine de Saint-Exupéry High School in Créteil went on strike to protest staffing shortages. This quickly spilled over into student protests concerning poor school conditions which, by October, had disrupted the curriculum of over one thousand lycée’s (secondary schools).
On November 5th, a general strike took place at the behest of major French trade unions against the backdrop of government approval for €43 billion in domestic spending cuts and wage freezes. The motives behind the protests quickly escalated to expressions of frustration with an impotent state stuck in an economic doom-loop, of which working people are bearing the brunt. In the midst of the strike, Vice President of the National Union for Students of France Alex de Brito told BBC Radio 4 that the protests seek to re-constitute the government’s fiscal priorities away from austerity.
One of the unions behind the strike and the broader organised action was France’s largest: The General Confederation of Labour. Founded in 1895, it orchestrated the renowned May 1968 general strike that punctuated unprecedented student protests against social conservatism and hierarchical university norms. The role of unions then and now highlights how France’s tradition of organised upheaval as an instrument of democratic leverage consists of deep institutional roots that operate to empower the civic sphere through industrial action.
Indeed, Mélenchon invoked the spirit of May 1968 in an address designed to imbue greater vigour into the protests. Parallels permeate the movement, with many demonstrators recycling common slogans used in the 1968 strike.
The French tradition of rebellion against institutional rigidity and wealth inequality, however, predates 1968 considerably. The origins of this phenomenon cannot be truly mapped out without a firm familiarity with Jean-Paul Marat, one of the most notorious revolutionary radicals whose iconoclastic rhetoric fanned the flames of the 1789 French Revolution and the ensuing Reign of Terror.
Some political scientists trace the origins of modern populism–a political worldview and strategy that seeks to mobilise the virtuous ‘common people’ against corrupt elites–to the inflammatory sentiment Marat espoused in his newspaper L’Ami du Peuple (The Friend of the People).
Marat frequently incited violence against perceived enemies of the revolution who he alleged were intent on restoring France’s Ancien Régime and its corresponding feudal social hierarchies. These assertions were rooted in a deep anti-institutional paranoia which led Marat to believe that aristocratic remnants and monarchist loyalists, the elites in today’s framing, were conspiring to preserve their disproportionate accumulation of France’s wealth by sabotaging a revolution that promised a more equal order.
Despite being far less radical by taking a reformist rather than revolutionary stance, it is no surprise that similar populist sentiment has become pervasive today through the student-led movement. France’s economic conditions lend considerable legitimacy to their fundamental claims. In 2025 and 2026 wages in real terms fell, marking only the second time in France’s history such a happening occurred twice, consecutively. Furthermore, the average French household has endured a loss of €1,200 in purchasing power since 2024.
Wealth inequality is also widening to unprecedented levels. 11 million people in France live below the poverty line, the highest level on record. Meanwhile, the wealth held by just 53 French billionaires surged by three times last years’ amount – another record high. The figure is now equivalent to the total wealth held by the bottom 48% of French citizens.
France’s political history has made it perfectly legitimate and almost routine to override mainstream, state-approved avenues of democratic engagement in order to pressure the ruling class. As de Gaulle once remarked, ‘In France, reforms only come through revolutions.’
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France's history demonstrates how periods of political unrest can become turning points for wider social and institutional change. The article highlights an interesting pattern in which public dissatisfaction challenges existing structures and creates opportunities for national renewal. One important takeaway is that understanding historical context is essential when evaluating current political developments. Similar patterns of change can also be seen in the business world, where organizations adapt their systems to meet evolving needs. For example, CMS Solutions in Dubai help businesses manage digital content and adjust their online platforms as requirements change. Adaptability and thoughtful reform remain important for long-term progress.